2.1. The study area

The Sundarbans comprise the world’s largest single tract of mangrove ecosystem fed by numerous streams and rivulets that pour into the Bay of Bengal (Figure 1).

The Sundarbans mangroves, a unique ecosystem, span an area of approximately 10,200 km². According to Nandy and Kushwaha (2010) and Payo et al. (2016), 5,937 km² of this area are located in Bangladesh, while 4,263 km² are located in India. The formation of this system has given rise to a distinctive proliferation of flora and fauna capable of thriving in both terrestrial and saltwater environments, a characteristic that is the hallmark of mangrove ecosystems. These forests also serve as a critical habitat for endangered species such as the Royal Bengal tiger (Panthera tigris), the saltwater crocodile (Crocodylus palustris), the river terrapin (Batagur baska), and the Gangetic river dolphin (Platanista gangetica). All of these species face extinction due to habitat loss, hunting, poaching, and depleted prey populations (International Union for Conservation of Nature [IUCN], 2022).

In the Sundarbans, the local resource harvesters include the indigenous Munda people, who are believed to have migrated from the Chotanagpur plateau area in India approximately 200–300 years ago (Huda, 2021). Due to the migration of the Munda people and their intermingling with the local population, the knowledge of the Sundarbans area is considered in this paper as traditional and local knowledge (TLK). Until recently, TLK-based resource use, conservation, and protection received limited recognition, especially after the area received World Heritage Site (WHS) status in 1997. However, after receiving WHS status, the Sundarbans experienced increased boat-based tourism in specific areas of the forest. While these areas are protected, vast areas of forest outside the protected areas remain vulnerable. This calls for a wider conservation approach that includes protection and conservation on a larger scale (Chakraborty et al., 2020).

2.2. Data collection and analysis

Our study used a qualitative framework (Table S1, Supplementary electronic material) to gather information from various sources using multiple data collection methods (Gillham, 2000; Taylor, 2016). We highlight the opinions and perceptions of indigenous and local people who hold TLK, connection to the mangrove forests through subsistence resource use. The analysis in the paper was based on face-to-face interviews with 29 forest resource harvesters (Table S2 in supplementary electronic material), who represented groups of four to seven individuals who entered the forests to harvest resources for subsistence.

We relied on in-depth interviews to capture detailed cultural connections to the forest, tigers, and forest resources such as fish, honey and wood through extensive discussions. We used in-depth interviews because they provide rich personal data, allowing us to understand individuals’ motivations, context and what they consider important (Morris, 2015). These discussions were reinforced and expanded upon in three focus group discussions (FGDs) with seven to eight people (with the same respondents who were willing to participate in the FGDs).

The same respondents were invited to share their opinions, which are considered extremely important for interpreting natural environments because they demonstrate collective significance and preferences regarding these environments (Irvine et al., 2016; Kenter et al., 2015).

These FGDs allowed us to understand the shared nature of the opinions about forests, including tigers, during the interviews. Also, we did not select interview respondents randomly because of the higher likelihood of selecting non-TLK-based resource harvesters (see below). Respondents were selected from forest fringe villages in the Batiaghata (Debitala and Katianangla), Dacope (Dangmari), and Koyra (Koyra Sadar) subdistricts in the eastern part of the Sundarbans (Figure 1).

We used a purposive sampling method. This method began with two key informants from the study area who helped us find key experienced resource users, including master harvesters who have TLK for extracting forest resources from the Sundarbans. Master harvesters are a special group of people with deep knowledge of the mangroves acquired through direct interaction with the forest. They also promote sustainable forest resource use, as younger generations of resource users often follow these master harvesters to extract resources and avoid dangers, such as tiger attacks.

For conducting the interviews, we followed a purposive sampling method. This purposive sampling method used local acquaintances of the second and third authors as an entry point to select these 29 forest resource harvesters, who use TLK-based techniques to extract resources. The purposive sampling began with two key informants from the study area who helped us find experienced resource users, including master harvesters with TLK knowledge for extracting forest resources from the Sundarbans. These first-level interviewees helped us find two to three more TLK holders from their community. This purposive snowball sampling process relied on acquaintances and trust, allowing us to gain deeper insights into forest interactions from the TLK holders (see also Rudes et al., 2025). This type of sampling is useful for connecting with specialised populations (e.g., TLK holders), which are difficult to identify using randomised sampling methods that may select non-TLK holders and introduce bias. Prior to conducting interviews and focus group discussions (FGDs), we explained the research objectives, methods, and possible implications and why TLK was used in our study. We then obtained verbal consent from all interviewees and FGD participants, confirming that participation was voluntary and that anyone could refuse to participate or withdraw at any time. The interviews and discussions consisted of subsistence harvesters, mainly consisting of three main occupations in the Sundarbans. These are honey collectors, nipa palm (Nypa fruticans) collectors and fishers and crab collectors. These activities are not mutually exclusive. For instance, honey collectors catch and consume fish while in the forests. Several respondents engaged in multiple types of resource harvesting to support their livelihoods. For instance, some farmers in our interviews and focus group discussions (FGDs) were also part-time fishers, sometimes going fishing with other groups (see Table S2 in the supplementary electronic material). The FGDs provided an opportunity to interact with subsistence harvesters and exchange and verify information, particularly regarding direct and indirect drivers based on the local resource harvesters’ shared opinions. Data gathering was conducted from July 2017 to March 2022. Data verification followed preliminary interview interpretations carried out in October 2018 and August 2022.

The interviews were designed to explore the following three topics: (1) different types of subsistence harvesting, (2) perceptions of forests and real-life experiences with tigers gathered through forest resource harvesting, and (3) perceptions of tigers related to the quality of the forest. Using a qualitative framework allowed us to capture the respondents’ perception-based insights (McCracken, 1988). In the focus group discussions (FGDs), both the young and old generations participated, which helped us understand how TLK is mobilised for sustainable mangrove resource harvesting.

The interviewees were from villages on the edge of the forest, where people enter the Sundarbans to collect non-timber forest products (NTFPs), such as honey, nipa palm leaves, fish, and shellfish. The forest resource harvesters are both Hindu and Muslim and share a joint cultural history. The importance of strong intergenerational ties to the forest in subsistence harvesting is a central tenet of this study. For instance, family members primarily venture into the deeper parts of the forest to collect honey. Generally, males in the study area enter the forests to harvest resources, a characteristic generally observed throughout the Sundarbans. Thus, all of the respondents in our study were male. Women have a role within the village. Although they play a vital role in growing and gathering food through agriculture, we do not consider them to have a direct relationship with the forest landscape. However, some women enter the forest to harvest resources.

However, we acknowledge that women have significant indirect relationships with forests, and their efforts to harvest resources are equally important for forest conservation. This interpretation lies beyond the scope of the present study. We transcribed and coded all data from the in-depth interviews and focus group discussions (FGDs) according to different categories to identify themes that emerged from the data (open and axial coding; see Strauss & Corbin, 1990) regarding the connection between tigers and the overall health of the Sundarbans.

The research did not collect any confidential or personal information from the interviewees and FGD participants. Before our data collection, approval of prior informed consent was carried out as all interviewees and FGD participants were informed about the research focus, expected outcomes, intended use of findings (including publications), and their right to withdraw at any time without negative consequences. After providing this explanation, we received oral consent from all interviewees and FGD participants before carrying out the respective data collection exercises.

3.1. Sociocultural connection between people and forests

In this section, we describe the nature of sociocultural connections to forest stewardship. The interviews and FGDs revealed that local resource harvesters rarely see tigers. Thus, compared to their knowledge of other aspects of the forest, such as bees, fish, and crabs, their knowledge of tigers has taken on a special, metaphorical form (see Table S3 in the Supplementary Electronic Material). This knowledge has also established the nature of TLK in the Sundarbans associated with tigers and their habitats. The Sundarbans socioecological system is primarily a fisher-gatherer society. Direct observation and storytelling play important roles in learning and exchanging information about resource harvesting, including place-based, tacit knowledge with intergenerational links based on experience (see also Fernández-Llamazares et al., 2016; Keskitalo, 2025; Reyes-García & Fernández-Llamazares, 2019).

Sociocultural connections play a vital role in linking the forest ecosystem to people, helping to provide a variety of resources from the forest. These connections support the existence of tigers. The quote below explains the relationship between the forest, tigers, and people in the Sundarbans:

Tigers live in the forests for their whole life, and they (tigers) cannot live without forests. Whereas humans do not (always) need to live with the forest…. if I cannot raise and maintain my family income, I will leave the profession of honey collection and move to the cities, perhaps… or perhaps work as a farmer. But the tiger cannot live without the forests, and it dies if the forest is not there.

Fisherman, Age 52, Batiaghata. Interviewed July 2022.

The quote illustrates the relationship between people and the forest. “Us” refers to people who rely on the forest for their livelihood and culture. The tiger is depicted as the spirit of the forest (see Table S3 in the supplementary electronic material). This sociocultural connection limits the number of people entering the forests, especially the deepest parts with different forest niches and the greatest biodiversity.

Those who do wrongdoings or any sins in the forest cannot stand in front of a tiger when attacked or help someone who is attacked

Honey collector, Age 67, Batiaghata, Interviewed March, 2022.

The quote below also supports this argument:

Sundarbans is a harsh area to live and there are fears of tigers, venomous snakes such as king cobra, crocodiles… but if one always fears about them, one cannot come to the Sundarbans and one cannot learn about these forests

Nipa palm collector, Age 49, Batiaghata, Interviewed March, 2022.

These characteristics are what couple the system of forests and people through the existence of the tiger. Sociocultural connections intersect with TLK in that they depend on each other (see Figure 4). One vital aspect of TLK practices that intersect with sociocultural connections is the low-key approach to harvesting mangrove resources. Without this approach, it is believed that the forest goddess “Bonobibi” may become angry and not protect harvesters from the tiger god Dakshinray (see Table S3 in the Supplementary Electronic Material). Therefore, worshipping the Bonobibi, the forest deity, is worshipping the forest and its tigers. Locals believe that Dakshinray is the protector of the forest and its resources and that humans invade his territory. He may send his tigers to attack those who do not abide by the forest’s rules. These rules are about the selective and limited extraction of mangrove resources. For example, the selective cutting of mangrove poles from unhealthy trees that could rot is encouraged. About a third of a jungle honeybee hive is retained to allow for its regeneration, enabling the same forest tract to be used multiple times. Similarly, several artisanal fishing practices are employed, such as the use of small set nets (char pata jal and khal pata jal) and crab traps to catch a limited number of fish and shellfish for subsistence living (see Figure 4).

About two-thirds of the beehive should be kept and not all the hive should be harvested, so that the bees do not have to work again to build the whole hive… we need to cut the hive, taking care not to kill any bees. We also need to control the smoke and fire, as too much heat can kill bee larvae. I learned all these during honey collecting. In my early days, I used to observe how my fellow collectors do this.

Honey collector, Age 64, Koyra, Interviewed February 2020.

The Sundarbans case suggests that important keystone species conservation can be achieved through socioecological relations with indigenous and local people whose livelihoods depend on the forests. Indigenous and local people have remained economically poor due to a lack of economic opportunities, frequent saltwater intrusions that render the land infertile, coastal flooding caused by cyclones, and a vicious cycle of loan systems (Giri, 2018; Sen, 2023; Siddique et al., 2023). This economic poverty and the uncertainty of floods and cyclones have made local resource harvesters dependent on mangrove forest resources. In the process, they have also developed an understanding of the key role of tigers in the forest for their continuous survival. The following quote explains this relationship:

Without the Sundarbans, we will not be able to acquire fish, crabs, and nipa palm (golpata) from the forests… it (the Sundarbans) provides our necessities for many generations. Whatever I do in my life to raise my family, it is due to the forest

Fisher, Age 43, Dacope, Interviewed September 2022.

The quotations presented in this section lend support to the argument that the Sundarbans exist as an exemplary ecosystem with socioecological components, despite its degradation, due to a pool of TLK used to coexist with tigers. These interactions have the potential to generate novel conservation opportunities centred on livelihoods, a topic that will be explored in the following section.

3.2. The conservation component of spiritual connections through the belief system

Socioecological connections (smobilised by TLK through direct interactions of the indigenous and local people with the forest ecosystem and culturally transmitted through storytelling and day-to-day communications) that emerged from the interviews and group discussions (Table S1, Supplementary Electronic Material) show that the local resource harvesters perceive the wild and intact mangroves as pure. For instance, these harvesters consider forests where tigers live to be the most significant. These untouched forests have “purity,” a quality lacking in human domains (villages), and human contact can degrade this purity. In addition to the dangers of the forest, local resource harvesters mentioned their appreciation for its beauty. Twenty-two harvesters stated that they feel “pure” and “fulfilled” when visiting these forests (see Table S3 in the Supplementary Electronic Material). The possibility of supporting livelihoods together and the sense of purity (along with the dangers) that forests provide motivate people to protect them. The following quote is an example of this opinion:

Our Sundarbans are a pure (pobitro) forest to us. It is very beautiful also…we should not damage the purity of the Sundarbans. And those who do wrongdoings and sins (opobitro) in the forest have to pay a price in the future.

Honey collector: Age: 64. Batiaghata, Interviewed July 2022.

Relatively intact forests that provide honey are wild and prime tiger habitats. This demonstrates the deep spiritual significance of wilderness and the unethical nature of alienating and degrading it. The effects of this degradation can manifest as tiger attacks.

The sociocultural connections act as a feedback mechanism that helps the mangrove ecosystem, including the tigers within it, survive despite heavy human pressure. This feedback is not well understood yet, as more research on spiritual and cultural connections with forests and tigers is needed. However, we argue that it is a key socio ecological characteristic related to maintaining the tiger-lizard-kingdom (TLK) in the Sundarbans (Figure 4). Additionally, we found that the practice of sharing stewardship of the forests with tigers by using metaphors and belief systems to protect the forests is missing from current landscape interventions in the Sundarbans. Spiritual connections to tigers are a key pillar of the TLK pool, gathered and generated through direct interactions with the forests and indirect interactions through real, experience-based stories told by harvesters.

We learn from the Sundarbans, as most of us are not educated. We gather such learning through each trip to the Sundarbans and from the experienced harvesters

Honey collector, Age 33, Koyra, Interviewed September 2020

Another quote states that the need for TLK is only possible to develop through real interactions with the forest:

We have to go in and come out of the forest safely. …We have to read signs in the forest and the tides for our survival for going to and coming out of the forests (survival both from tigers as well as through gathering food)

Fisher, Age 28, Batiaghata, Interviewed July 2022.

The wider pool of TLK includes geographical knowledge, such as knowledge of the nature of the sea and coastal areas, the timing of tides, waves and river currents, and a mental map of a vast network of tidal creeks for navigation. It also includes knowledge of harvested species, such as where they live, forage and spawn; knowledge related to honeycombs and their location; and knowledge of plants and animals, including the nature of tigers (Table S4, Supplementary Electronic Material). Additionally, it includes knowledge of harvesting techniques, such as the ability to track a single bee to its hive and the use of handmade set nets to catch fish from tidal creeks during tidal fluctuations (see Figure 2).

Our master harvester can follow a bee inside the forest and get to its hive, first we locate the bee from our boat and try to see which direction it is going. These days, sometimes we attract the bees by adding honey and water and spraying it on the leaves, and then we follow the bees as they return after drinking and collecting the honey.

Honey collector, Age 33, Koyra, Interviewed July, 2020.

5.1. Cultural interaction at the centre of humans’ coexistence with large predators and forests

Researchers have argued that cultural connections to wildlife and forests are key to effective forest management, including in protected areas (de Pater et al., 2023) and in adapting to and mitigating climate change (Malhi et al., 2022). In the case of the Sundarbans, these cultural connections can promote forest protection through sustainable resource harvesting using TLK both inside and outside the PA. These cultural connections, coupled with the presence of TLK, can help maintain the resilience of subsistence harvesters and ensure their continued survival in the mangroves (see also Jeanne-Lazya et al., 2022; Pearce, 2023). Recently, management systems with high TLK components have been emphasised as important for conserving ecosystem services (Folke, 2004; Pascual et al., 2022; Leal Filho et al., 2025; Nyathi et al., 2025). Conversely, without cultural connections to tigers and restricted forest use, socioecological connections can weaken. This requires a management system with rigorous command and control-based protection, the establishment of exclusion zones, and the implementation of quota systems and total allowable catch (TAC) systems, among others. However, the rational management of forests can also lead to the increased commodification of forests for economic purposes (Jeanne-Lazya et al., 2022).

Furthermore, only a small portion of the Bangladeshi Sundarbans is protected by the West, East and South Sanctuaries (Chakraborty et al., 2019). Of the total area of the Sundarbans mangroves in Bangladesh, 139,697 hectares lie within the protected area (PA) and 460,303 hectares lie outside it. According to Islam and Wahab (2005), the three sanctuaries are fragmented and provide limited opportunities for the long-term, complete conservation of mangroves. Since the sanctuaries are closer to the sea, they will be affected more by rising sea levels due to climate change than the northern parts of the Sundarbans. This implies that protecting mangroves outside of the three sanctuaries is essential, and that the human-predator relationship based on TLK can play a crucial role in maintaining the biological diversity of the Sundarbans. Otherwise, the rapid environmental changes the Sundarbans are undergoing due to climate change and socioeconomic factors can challenge the TLK and the community’s adaptive capacity (Fernández-Llamazares et al., 2015), which can deteriorate the mangroves as a socioecological system. In our study, we find that the cultural connections between tigers and the forest by the local people lie at the intersection of efficient use (MSY approach regarding Sundarbans) and the wilderness-based approach applied in the case of conservation with WHS status. Our study finds that the cultural connections between the local people and the forest lie at the intersection of the MSY approach to the Sundarbans and the wilderness-based approach applied in conservation areas with WHS status.

It should be noted that the classic approach of protecting areas for predators is not practical for many national parks in Asia and Africa, where people rely on these areas for their livelihoods and often live within them. Here, an endogenous (culturally-backed) pathway that is characterised by cultural interaction and understanding can be chosen for the conservation and sustainable utilisation of predator habitats. In this sense, there are important management implications for the authorities and institutions that are responsible for the effective co-management of the Sundarbans mangroves. Our study is particularly relevant to the Bangladesh Forest Department, which oversees management of forest habitats in the Sundarbans. This includes ecotourism management, shrimp cultivation, restoration of degraded habitats, and law enforcement to curb illegal harvesting and residential area expansion, among other activities (see also Chakraborty et al., 2020). Our study is also relevant to Bangladesh’s NDCs, as it can help strengthen the country’s forest resources for climate change adaptation and mitigation backed by biodiversity. It is important to highlight the role of forest resource harvesters whose TLK systems help harvest forest resources sustainably and add aesthetic and recreational value to mangroves (Chakraborty et al., 2020). These harvesters coexist with tigers in their livelihood domains. This could lead to increased activities that protect and restore the Sundarbans and reduce the impact of the vicious cycle of TLK degradation (see Figure 2).

Our findings, which are based on the interaction between people and large carnivores, are directly connected to global biodiversity conventions, such as the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) and the Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework (KMGBF). The CBD emphasises the conservation, sustainable use and equitable sharing of biological diversity (UN, 1992; Article 8j), as well as the consideration of the customary use of biological resources according to sustainable traditional cultural practices (UN, 1992; Article 10). The Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework also strives to maintain the sustainable harvesting of biological resources while stopping species and genetic diversity loss (Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework, 2022, Targets 4 and 5). Additionally, given that less than one-fourth of the Sundarbans in Bangladesh are protected areas (see Chakraborty et al., 2019), our findings align with Other Effective Area-Based Conservation Measures (OECMs), which call for the conservation of 30% of healthy ecosystems by 2030. This can be achieved by increasing mangrove habitats where tiger acceptance is high, while considering the National Biodiversity Strategy and Action Plan (NBSAP). Additionally, we recommend synchronising the restoration of degraded mangrove habitats with the knowledge of TEKTLK holders to ensure long-term acceptance of the mangroves. The knowledge of TLK holders must be recognised and prioritised, when necessary, for the sustainable use and conservation of mangroves. This, in turn, may help achieve the target of increasing the conservation of healthy ecosystems.

5.2. How cultural interaction with predators can be adopted in forest conservation pathways

First, although field-based scientific data can accurately predict wildlife, it is resource-intensive for the protection and restoration of large carnivores, such as tigers. Incorporating culturally backed understandings and knowledge, possible through the application of traditional local knowledge (TLK), into scientific decision-making can provide a valid platform for forest habitat conservation in the Sundarbans. Providing a voice and a platform for information sharing and consultation, as well as raising awareness of land and resource use rights, can be effective ways to conserve and sustainably apply TLK in the study area. This can also provide feedback to global biodiversity-related policy platforms, such as the Aichi Biodiversity Targets and UN SDGs (see Titumir, n.d.). Additionally, integrating TLK into Bangladesh’s National Biodiversity Strategy and Action Plan by raising awareness of sustainable resource use based on TLK in mangrove-adjacent communities can increase acceptance of the full range of mangrove biodiversity, including predators (see Saha et al., 2026). In this region, the acceptance of tigers as apex predators is strong and their role in maintaining the health of the forest ecosystem is widely recognised. In this sense, our study is similar to those by Siddique et al. (2024), Petracca et al. (2018), Turvey et al. (2014), and Malhi et al. (2022). Second, studies on cultural interactions with predators in relatively intact ecosystems provide insight into the complex relationship between the social and ecological components of the ecosystem (Figure 4) and how this knowledge can inform land and resource use decisions (Berenji et al., 2021; DeWalt, 1994). These studies also create opportunities to recover disappearing knowledge of smarginalised groups (see Chapin, 1994; Gómez-Baggethun, 2022), and increase their potential for sustainable resource use (see also DeWalt, 1994). The merging of two contrasting realms of knowledge is possible here, as is argued in the IPBES approach to conserving ecosystems. (see Pascual et al., 2017).

Third, we advocate reducing stressors that weaken the TLK and impair cultural interactions tied to the mangroves. Our findings suggest that external factors such as pollution, loan systems, corruption, and climate change, as well as internal factors such as poverty and outmigration, negatively impact the TLK component that srecognises tigers as a species that (indirectly) favours sustainable resource extraction. Fourth, recapturing the disappearing knowledge of indigenous and local communities whose culture is rapidly disappearing (see Chapin, 1994; Gómez-Baggethun, 2022) is a meaningful step in ecosystem conservation (through large carnivores, in our case). This is primarily achieved by maintaining cultural interactions with biodiversity, which serve as feedback in socio ecological systems inhabited by large carnivores (see Petracca et al., 2018). Fifth, the cultural understanding of tigers in the Sundarbans can be applied to mangrove and tiger conservation outside the Sundarbans National Park (see Andresen et al., 2014; Chakraborty et al., 2019, 2020; Karanth et al., 2011). Tigers require large habitats, which may cause them to venture outside of protected areas, resulting in direct conflicts with humans (see Ripple et al., 2014). This is a primary cause of their decline in the wild.